American President Richard Nixon was "impeached " for " obstruction of justice " in Watergate scandal. Kyaw Swar Myint
Glossary
impeach legal definition of impeach( " impeach "=တရား စြဲတာ) legal-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/impeach Impeach. To accuse; to charge a liability upon; to sue. To dispute, disparage, deny, or contradict; as in to impeach a judgment or decree, or impeach a witness; ...
impeach - Legal Dictionary | Law.com
dictionary.law.com/Default.aspx?selected=900 Law.com Legal Dictionary Law.com Home ... Search Legal Terms and Definitions ... impeach. v. 1) to discredit the testimony of a witness by proving that he/she has not told the truth or has ...
Impeachment dictionary definition | impeachment defined www.yourdictionary.com/impeachment yourDictionary.com impeachment definition: transitive verb 1. to challenge or discredit (a person's honor, reputation, etc.) ... impeachment - Legal Definition. n. An attack on the ...
Obstruction of justice
A: Obstruction
may consist of any attempt to hinder the discovery, apprehension,
conviction or punishment of anyone who has committed a crime. The acts
by which justice is obstructed may
include bribery, murder, intimidation, and the use of physical force
against witnesses, law enforcement officers or court officials.
More about Obstruction of justice
Feedback Obstruction of justice =( တရား မွ် တ မွ ုကို ဟန္ ့တား မွ ု) en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Obstruction_of_justice Wikipedia The crime of obstruction of justice, in United States jurisdictions, refers to the crime of obstructing the work of police, investigators, regulatory agencies, ...
Hla MyintA: Obstruction may consist of any attempt to hinder the discovery, apprehension, conviction or punishment of anyone who has committed a crime. The acts by which justice is obstructed may include bribery, ...See More
Hla MyintObstruction may consist of any attempt to hinder the discovery, apprehension, conviction or punishment of anyone who has committed a crime. The acts by which justice is obstructed may include bribery, murder, intimidation, and the use of physical...See More
Trend setters in the Rule Of Engagement (ROE). 26 nov. 2017. အစၥေရး ႏိုင္ငံက ဂ်ဴးဘာသာဝင္ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီးတပါးက အစၥေရး စစ္သားေတြက ပါလစၥတိုင္းေတြႏွင့္ ဆင္ႏႊဲေနတဲ့ စစ္ပဲြ (ဂ်ီဟာဒ္ လို႔ ဆိုႏိုင္တဲ့) ဘာသာေရး စစ္ပဲြျဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ စစ္ပဲြအတြင္း အစၥေရးစစ္သားေတြက ပါလစၥတိုင္း အမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ားကို မုဒိန္းက်င္႔ ခြင့္ရွိပါတယ္တဲ့။ အဲဒီလို မုဒိန္းက်င့္တာကို ဂ်ဴးတရားေတာ္က ခြင့္ျပဳပါတယ္တဲ့။ I am afraid this rabbi gets inspiration "giving license to rape " from the Burmese army, i suppose ! Gradually our military( so called Royal Army တပ္မေတာ္) becomes a "trend setter" in the rules of engagement in conflict areas. During N . Rakhine crisis , human rights activists accuse our troops commit rape .
Learning English, 26 nov. 2017 sun. Administering medicine to the dead . လူေသ ကို ေဆးတိုက္ ေနသလို ပါလား 26 feb. 2016 "Administering medicine to the dead " means that the deluded loved ones think the patient is still alive & hope to revive. Loved ones hope to make " meaningful discussion " & mend the wrongs. They are hoping the impossible. Situation is also similar to that of reasoning with "the person who has renounced reason" ! The outcome of both efforts definitely will be the same.Fruitless , in vain !
Learning English 26 nov. 2017. empathy, sympathy . apathy.
empathy,apathy.
Empathy Synonyms | https://www.collinsdictionary.com › emp... compassion. Compassion is a feeling of pity, sympathy, and understanding for someone who is suffering. The Dalai Lama practises what he preaches: universal kindness and compassion.
Apathy - www.thefreedictionary.com › apathy Lack of interest or concern, especially regarding matters of general importance or appeal; indifference. 2. Lack of emotion or feeling; ...
Empathy - Wikipedia en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Empathy Cached Empathy is the capacity to understand or feel what another person is experiencing from within the other person's frame of reference, i.e., the capacity to place ...
She was the perfect symbol of democracy. Highly intelligent, well-read, articulate and photogenic.
Set
against this, the thuggish Burmese generals could never hope to capture
the good opinion of the international media. Not that they ever cared
to try.
Those of us who worked undercover in Myanmar remember a
constant struggle to stay out of the way of the secret policemen and
spies. We were despised by the junta and feted by the pro-democracy
movement.
Defiance against tyranny
When
I first encountered Aung San Suu Kyi shortly after her first release
from house arrest in July 1995, she was - after Nelson Mandela - the
most important global symbol of defiance against tyranny.
The world's media related how she had faced down soldiers with their rifles levelled in her direction.
Image copyrightGetty ImagesImage caption
Her fight for democracy in Myanmar was backed around the world
The UN and others demanded her release from house arrest and worked hard to achieve that goal.
We listened to her address supporters at the gates of her lakeside villa about the need for tolerance and discipline.
In her interviews with me back in the 1990s, she repeatedly stressed the need for non-violence.
She
was always keen to know how the African National Congress had managed
the transition to majority rule in South Africa, my previous posting.
The phrase "freedom from fear" was repeated, and became the title of a bestselling book. Image copyrightGetty ImagesImage caption
Aung San Suu Kyi, swarmed by supporters on her release from house arrest in 2002
It was language which Western journalists (including
myself), were eager to hear. Many who found their way to Myanmar in
those days were veterans of recent tragedies in Rwanda and the Balkans.
After witnessing genocide and ethnic cleansing, we were inspired by the words of the lady by the lake.
Complex ethnic rivalries
Here
was a peacemaker in a world made dark by the actions of Slobodan
Milosevic of Serbia, Franjo Tudjman of Croatia, and the Hutu power
extremists of Rwanda.
In retrospect, we knew too little of
Myanmar and its complex narratives of ethnic rivalries, deepened by
poverty and manipulated over decades by military rulers. And we knew too
little of Aung San Suu Kyi herself. Image copyrightGetty ImagesImage caption
Malala has called on her fellow Nobel peace laureate to intervene
We did not calculate that the stubbornness which
refused to concede to the military junta might, if she came to power,
prove equally forceful when confronted with foreign criticism.
Her
greatest strength in adversity could prove a defining weakness. Old
friends in the international human rights movement and some previously
sympathetic politicians have become strongly critical.
Anybody
who has spent time in her company knows that shifting her mind when she
is set on a course of action is extremely difficult.
Media captionAung San Suu Kyi talking to Fergal Keane in April 2017Last December, when Vijay Nambiar, the UN Special
Representative to Myanmar, urged Aung San Suu Kyi to visit Rakhine
state, he was rebuffed.
Ethnic cleansing
As one member of her inner circle put it to me: "She will never ever be seen to do what Nambiar tells her to do."
Nor
will she ever concede that the Rohingya Muslims are being subjected to
ethnic cleansing, not even when tens of thousands are being burned from
their homes amid widespread reports of killing and sexual violence.
This is not the first time she has faced criticism over the Rohingya.
It was the same story five years ago during a campaign that displaced more than 100,000 Rohingya.
Media captionWatch: Who are the Rohingya?Daw Suu, as she is known, did not visit the area or speak out in defence of the persecuted minority.
While
her government has moved to tackle hate speech by Buddhist extremists,
she has not made the kind of public gestures in support of Muslims made
by her hero Mahatma Gandhi and his colleague Jawaharlal Nehru during the
violence of India's partition.
Gandhi paid with his life and the
leaders did not succeed in ending the slaughter. But both men laid down a
marker about the values of the India they wished to see emerge from
partition. Image copyrightGetty ImagesImage caption
Jawaharlal Nehru (L) and Mahatma Gandhi publicly condemned violence against Muslims during India's partition
The memory of Nehru wading into Hindu mobs to
prevent sectarian violence is one of the 20th Century's defining acts of
personal courage.
Nobody expects this of Aung San Suu Kyi, but
it is the absence of even rhetorical intervention that disturbs many
former supporters.
The suffering of the Rohingya is a tragedy in
itself. But the palls of smoke from Rakhine state is indicative of a
military that feels it can carry on in the old brutal way, whatever the
world says. Image copyrightVarun Nayar/BBC Image caption
Tens of thousands of Rohingya have fled violence in Myanmar's Rakhine state
The action unleashed now against the Rohingya will
be familiar to the residents of other ethnic areas in Myanmar such as
Shan state, or in the war against the Karen.
Political cover
Aung
San Suu Kyi does not control the military and they do not trust her.
But her refusal to condemn well-documented military abuses provides the
generals with political cover.
It goes further than silence.
Her diplomats are working with Russia and the UN to prevent criticism of the government at Security Council level, and she herself has characterised the latest violence as a problem of terrorism.
Image copyrightGetty ImagesStubbornness in the face of what she feels is unfounded criticism is part of the equation.
But
there is a more troubling question: is her long-declared commitment to
universal human rights partial, a concern that does not and never will
embrace the beleaguered Rohingya Muslims in this Buddhist majority
country?
She may yet answer that question by pressing the
military to end its brutal crackdown. At this moment there is little
sign of that happening.
